Descendants of John Randoll, 1470

104. Richard Lee [12889] was born in 1726 in Bristol, Virginia and died in 1795 in Westmoreland County, Virginia at age 69.

General Notes: She was about 16 years of age when she married Richard Lee who was about 55 years of age.

106. Henry Lee [12885] was born in 1729 in Leesylvania, Westmoreland County, Virginia, died in 1787 in Leesylvania, Westmoreland County, Virginia at age 58, and was buried in Washington D. C..

Henry married Lucy Grymes [12893] [MRIN: 4291], daughter of Charles Grymes [12932] and Frances Jennings [12933], in Dec 1752 in Gloucester County, Virginia. Lucy was born on 24 Aug 1734 in Brandon, Middlesex, Virginia, died on 14 Sep 1830 in Springfield, Hanover County, Virginia at age 96, and was buried in Fork Church, Hanover, Virginia.

General Notes: Reportedly courted by George Washington. Termed the "Lowland Beauty", daughter of Charles Grymes and Frances Jenings.

+ 229 M i. Henry (Light Horse Harry) Lee [12902] was born on 19 Jan 1756 in Stratford, Virginia, died on 25 Mar 1818 in Cumberland Island, Georgia at age 62, and was buried in Greene's Private Cemetery, Dungeness, Cumberland Island, Georgia.

+ 230 M ii. Charles Lee [12866] was born in 1758 in Alexandria County, Virginia, died on 24 Jun 1815 in Warrenton, Fauquier County, Virginia at age 57, and was buried in Turkey Run Church.

231 M iii. Richard Bland Lee [12894] was born on 20 Jan 1761 in Virginia and died on 12 Mar 1827 at age 66.

232 F iv. Mary Lee [12898] was born in 1764 in Westmoreland County, Virginia and died in 1827 at age 63.

233 M v. Theodorick Lee [12899] was born on 3 Sep 1766 and died on 10 Apr 1849 at age 82.

235 F vii. Lucy Lee [12900] was born in 1774 in Westmoreland County, Virginia.

237 F ix. Anne Anna Lee [12901] was born in 1776 and died in Aug 1857 at age 81.

Ursala married Col. William Fitzhugh [23468] [MRIN: 7918], son of Maj. John Fitzhugh [23469] and Ann Barbara McCarty [23470], about 1752.

239 M ii. Daniel Fitzhugh [34290] was born on 15 Mar 1758 and died on 16 Oct 1836 at age 78.

112. Elizabeth Beverley [23473] was born on 15 Jan 1725 in "Blandfield" Essex County, Virginia and died on 3 Oct 1795 at age 70.

245 M v. James Mills [34296] was born on 10 Jul 1757 and died on 31 Aug 1757.

Elizabeth next married Thomas Griffin Peachy [23475] [MRIN: 7922], son of Samuel Peachy [23476] and Winifred Griffin [23477], on 22 Sep 1783.

113. Robert Beverley [23478] was born on 21 Aug 1740 in "Blandfield" Essex County, Virginia and died on 12 Apr 1800 at age 59.

Robert married Maria Carter [23479] [MRIN: 7924], daughter of Col. Landon Carter [23486] and Maria Byrd [23487], on 3 Feb 1763 in Sabine Hall, Richmond County, Virginia. Maria was born on 22 Nov 1745 in Sabine Hall, Richmond County, Virginia and died on 21 Aug 1817 in Williamsburg, James City County, Virginia at age 71.

246 M i. William Beverley [23488] was born on 27 Oct 1763 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in Sep 1823 in Paris, France at age 59.

William married Mary Midgeley [23489] [MRIN: 7929], daughter of Jonathan Midgeley [23490] and Unknown.

247 F ii. Maria Beverley [23491] was born on 15 Dec 1764 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 2 Oct 1824 in Williamsburg, James City County, Virginia at age 59.

Maria married Richard Randolph [23492] [MRIN: 7931], son of Richard Randolph [16002] and Anne Meade [16008], on 1 Dec 1785.

Maria next married Gawin Lane Corbin [16009] [MRIN: 7932], son of John Tayloe Corbin [23493] and Mary Waller [23494], on 12 Aug 1800.

248 M iii. Robert Beverley [23495] was born on 30 Jul 1766 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 14 Jun 1767 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia.

+ 249 M iv. Hon. Robert Beverley [23496] was born on 12 Mar 1769 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in May 1843 at age 74.

250 F v. Lucy Beverley [23498] was born on 24 Feb 1771 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia, died in 1854 in Oakleigh, Greensboro, Alabama at age 83, and was buried in Oakleigh, Greensboro, Alabama.

Lucy married Brett Randolph [16011] [MRIN: 7935], son of Richard Randolph [16002] and Anne Meade [16008], on 21 Nov 1789.

251 M vi. Burton Beverley [23499] was born on 24 Nov 1772 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 16 Jul 1781 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia at age 8.

252 M vii. Carter Beverley [23500] was born on 17 Apr 1774 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in 1844 at age 70.

Carter married Jane Wormeley [23501] [MRIN: 7936], daughter of Hon. Ralph Wormeley [23502] and Eleanor Tayloe [23503], on 24 Jan 1795.

253 M viii. Byrd Beverley [23504] was born on 17 Aug 1775 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in 1836 in Lost at sea. at age 61.

254 M ix. James Mills Beverley [23505] was born on 22 Dec 1776 and died on 8 Apr 1779 at age 2.

255 F x. Anna Munford Beverley [23506] was born on 6 Jan 1778 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 17 Jan 1830 in The Reeds, Caroline County, Virginia at age 52.

Anna married Hon. Francis Corbin [23507] [MRIN: 7938], son of Col. Richard Corbin [23508] and Elizabeth Tayloe [23509], about 12 Mar 1795 in The Reeds, Caroline County, Virginia.

256 M xi. Munford Beverley [23510] was born on 8 Mar 1779 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in Feb 1820 in Lost at sea. at age 40.

258 F xiii. Evelyn Byrd Beverley [23513] was born on 6 Jun 1782 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 10 Sep 1836 at age 54.

Evelyn married George Lee [23514] [MRIN: 7941], son of Thomas Ludwell Lee [23515] and Mary Aylett [23516].

Evelyn next married Dr. Patrick Hume Douglas [12800] [MRIN: 4270], son of Col. William Douglas [12801] and Sarah Orrick [23517].

259 M xiv. McKenzie Beverley [23518] was born on 3 Jun 1783 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia.

McKenzie married Isabella Gray [23519] [MRIN: 7944], daughter of William Gray [23520] and Isabella Miller [23521].

260 F xv. Jane Bradshaw Beverley [23522] was born on 27 Aug 1784 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died on 23 Feb 1814 at age 29.

261 F xvi. Harriet Beverley [23524] was born on 12 Apr 1786 in Blandfield, Essex County, Virginia and died in May 1829 at age 43.

Harriet married John Bull Rittenhouse [23525] [MRIN: 7947], son of Judge Benjamin Rittenhouse [23526] and Elizabeth Bull [23527].

Anne married Gen. Thomas Eaton [15928] [MRIN: 5309], son of William Eaton [15935] and Mary Unknown [15936]. Thomas was born about 1757 in North Carolina and died on 6 Jul 1809 in Warren County, North Carolina about age 52.

General Notes: Commanded a North Carolina Regiment in the Revolutionary War under General Nathaniel Greene.

+ 263 F i. Anne Bland Eaton [15929] was born on 21 Dec 1763 and died on 6 Dec 1847 at age 83.

120. Frances Bland [15959] was born on 24 Sep 1752 in Cawsons, Prince George City County, Virginia and died on 18 Jan 1788 in Matoax, Virginia at age 35.

General Notes: Frances Bland was sixteen when she married John Randolph, eleven years her senior. They resided at Matoax Plantation in Chesterfield County, Virginia which held over a thousand acres. John Randolph died October 1775 after only six years of marriage.

Frances later married St. George Tucker of Bermuda and his family wished for them to live there. Frances had two large plantations to manage (Bizzare and Cawson's) so they stayed in Virginia.

Frances married John Randolph [15960] [MRIN: 5316], son of Col. Richard Randolph [15906] and Jane Bolling [15907], on 9 Mar 1769 in Cawsons, Prince George City County, Virginia. John was born about 1742 in Cawsons, Prince George City County, Virginia and died in Oct 1775 about age 33.

Frances next married Col. St. George Tucker [15961] [MRIN: 5317] on 23 Sep 1778. St. was born in 1752 in Bermuda and died in 1828 at age 76.

General Notes: Judge, Appeals Court, State of Virginia.

St. George Tucker's family held considerable property in Bermuda and while his parents approved of his marriage to Frances Bland, they wished for him to live in Bermuda. He stayed in Virginia. He joined the American Revolution and his military service brought him to the rank of Colonel. He was injured in 1781.

After the War he began a law practice in Richmond, Virginia and was often absent from the residence at Matoax Plantation. After the death of his wife, Frances, he relocated to Williamsburg with the children, and in 1791 married Lelia, widow of George Carter and daughter of Sir Peyton Skipwith.
----
St. George Tucker was a lawyer, trader, inventor, scholar, professor, judge, essayist, poet, avid gardener, and amateur astronomer.

Tucker was born in Bermuda, on July 10, 1752. The Tucker's migrated to Bermuda from England and established themselves on the island in the mid-1600s. With a substantial population of slaves, there was little work for established families and St. George Tucker, the youngest of four sons (there were also two daughters) would begin the study of law in Bermuda but left in 1771 at age nineteen to finish his studies at the College of William and Mary.

In Williamsburg he took up general studies for six months or so and then signed on to read law under George Wythe, who had been a teacher of Thomas Jefferson. He graduated from William and Mary in 1772, and was admitted to the bar in 1774. He practiced law briefly but with the Revolutionary War in its early stages, the Virginia courts were closed and Tucker returned to Bermuda in 1776.

When he returned to Virginia in January, 1777 he took up residence and law practice in Williamsburg, Virginia. In 1778 he married the widow of John Randolph, Francis Bland Randolph, and became the father of three in doing so. After his marriage he moved to the Randolph plantation near Petersburg.

During the war, Tucker joined the militia as a major and served as a major, and participated in an engagement at Guilford Courthouse. After the war Tucker reestablished his law practice at Petersburg and became a judge on the general court of Virginia in 1788, the year his wife died after giving birth to their sixth child. In 1791 he remarried, this time a widow with two children. Three children of this marriage all died in their early years.

Tucker assumed a professorship of law at the College of William and Mary in 1800, was appointed as a justice of the Supreme Court of Virginia in 1803, where he served until 1811. The year of his appointment to the Virginia high court, also saw publication of his edition of Blackstone's Commentaries. In 1804 he gave up his law faculty appointment for another judicial appointment, and in 1813 became a U.S. District Court judge by appointment of President James Madison, a position he held until 1825.

Tucker wrote poetry, political satire, tried his hand at drama, but is known best for his edition of Blackstone's Commentaries and his other legal commentaries, including View of the Constitution, one of the first extended commentaries on the newly ratified Constitution. He is sometimes referred to as the "American Blackstone" for his Americanized version of a multi-volume of Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England.

Tucker died in November, 1828, at the age of seventy-five.

Judge Tucker had a ready talent for versification, which he exercised through life, and he was particularly successful in vers de societé, when that species of literary accomplishment was more practised and admired than it is at the present day. His rhymed epistles, epigrams, complimentary verses, and other bagatelles, would fill several volumes, but he gave only one small collection of them to the public in this form. When Dr. Wolcott's satires on George the Third, written under the name of "Peter Pindar," obtained both in this country and in England a popularity far beyond their merits, Judge Tucker, who admired them, was induced to publish in Freneau's "National Gazette" a series of similar odes, under the signature of "Jonathan Pindar," by which he at once gratified his political zeal and his poetical propensity. His object was to assail John Adams and other leading federalists, for their supposed monarchical predilections. His piece might well be compared with Wolcott's for poetical qualities, but were less playful, and had far more acerbity. Collected into a volume, they continued to be read by politicians, and had the honour of a volunteer reprint from one of the early presses in Kentucky.

Judge Tucker was capable of better things than these political trifles. He wrote a poem entitled "Liberty," in which the leading characters and events of the revolution are introduced. Of his numerous minor pieces some are characterized by ease, springliness, and grace. One of them so affected John Adams, in his old age, that he declared he would rather have written it than any lyric by Milton or Shakespeare. He little dreamed it was by an author who in earlier years had made him the theme of his satirical wit.

In prose also Judge Tucker was a voluminous writer. His most elaborate performance was an edition of Blackstone's "Commentaries," with copious notes and illustrative dissertations. He lived to a great age, and through life had numerous and warm friends. He was an active and often an intolerant politician, yet such was the predominance of his kindly affections and companionable qualities, that some of his cherished friends were of the party in the mass he most cordially hated.

The Tucker family produced a long line of jurists and scholars, including St. George Tucker's sons, Henry St. George Tucker (1780-1848) and Nathaniel Beverley, and a grandson, John Randolph Tucker (1823-1897), all lawyers, and Nathaniel and John Randolph poets as well.
-----
A lawyer, Revolutionary War militia officer, legal scholar, and judge, St. George Tucker bought three lots on Williamsburg's Palace green from Edmund Randolph for £100 in 1788. They included the site of William Levingstone's theater, the first in America. Bermuda-born but William and Mary-educated, Tucker moved the largest structure, a 1716 building that had been Levingstone's home, to its present location on Nicholson Street to face more-fashionable Market Square.

The rambling but graceful wooden building was enlarged several times, partly to accommodate Tucker's children. His two wives brought a total of five stepchildren to him with their marriages. In addition, the first bore him six of his own and the second three. To teach his children deportment, Tucker wrote "Garrison Articles to be Observed by the Officers and Privates Stationed at Ft. St. George Tucker in Williamsburg." Tucker himself was fort commander. One of the 13 articles read, "No Captain or subaltern officer or private shall presume to dance or run about the room at Breakfast or Dinner time."

Tucker is better known for editing Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England (Philadelphia, 1803) to put them in an American context. He also is credited with the construction of Williamsburg's first bathroom: he converted his backyard dairy house and installed in it a copper bathtub into which heated water was piped. The tub had a drain, a novelty at the time.
Tucker was a charter member and officer of Williamsburg's "Society for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge." He was an avid gardener, and there appear to be traces of 18th-century gardens in the yard.

William and Mary Professor Charles F. E. Minnigerode, a political refugee from the principality of Hesse-Darmstadt, put up Williamsburg's first recorded Christmas tree at the house in 1842. He was a friend of Tucker's son Nathaniel Beverley Tucker. Minnigerode enjoyed Nathaniel's children and put up a tree for them in the Tucker parlor in the German Yuletide tradition. A small tree, emblematic of the occasion, now is left each Christmas on the porch.

The house was restored in 1930 and 1931. Tucker's descendants owned and lived in the house until 1993.

264 F i. Anne Frances Bland Tucker [15964] was born on 26 Sep 1778 and died on 12 Sep 1813 at age 34.

+ 265 M ii. Henry St. George Tucker [15962] was born on 29 Dec 1780 in Chesterfield County, Virginia, died on 28 Aug 1848 in Virginia at age 67, and was buried in Stonewall Jackson Memorial Cemetery, Lexington, Virginia.

266 M iii. Theodorick Tudor Tucker [16023] was born on 12 Sep 1782 and died on 3 Apr 1795 at age 12.

267 M iv. Nathaniel Beverley Tucker [15963] was born on 6 Sep 1784 in Matoax, Virginia and died in 1851 in William And Mary College, Virginia at age 67.

General Notes: Attorney.
Nathaniel Beverley Tucker, the second son of St. George Tucker like so many members of his family, was a lawyer and literary man. Beverley Tucker was born at Matoax, Virginia, on September 6, 1784 and was educated at Williamsburgh, where his father had taken up residence. Tucker graduated from William and Mary in 1801 and then studied of law. He was married in 1809 and moved to Charlotte County. He moved to Missouri in 1815, became a resident of the state, and was appointed as judge. Fifteen years later he returned to Virginia. On July 4, 1834, he was elected to serve as professor of law at William and Mary College, a position he held until his death in the summer of 1851. [Source: Evert A. & George L. Duyckinck, 1 The Cyclopaedia of American Literature 694 (Philadelphia: William Rutter & Co., 1880) (2 vols. )]

Tucker wrote political novels and engaged in various other forms of writing. His first novel, George Balcombe, to which he did not append his name, received favorable reviews, including one from Edgar Allen Poe. Poe provides the following commentary on Tucker's writing:

B. Tucker Judge BEVERLEY TUCKER, of the College of William and Mary, Virginia, is the author of one of the best novels ever published in America — "George Balcombe" — although, for some reason, the book was never a popular favorite. It was, perhaps, somewhat too didactic for the general taste. He has written a great deal, also, for the "Southern Literary Messenger" at different times ; and, at one period, acted in part, if not altogether, as editor of that Magazine, which is indebted to him for some very racy articles, in the way of criticism especially. He is apt, however, to be led away by personal feelings, and is more given to vituperation for the mere sake of point or pungency, than is altogether consonant with his character as judge. Some five years ago there appeared in the "Messenger," under the editorial head, an article on the subject of the "Pickwick Papers" and some other productions of Mr. Dickens. This article, which abounded in well-written but extravagant denunciation of everything composed by the author of "The Curiosity Shop," and which prophesied his immediate downfall, we have reason to believe was from the pen of Judge Beverley Tucker. We take this opportunity of mentioning the subject, because the odium of the paper in question fell altogether upon our shoulders, and it is a burden we are not disposed and never intended to bear. The review appeared in March, we think, and we had retired from the Messenger in the January preceding. About eighteen months previously, and when Mr. Dickens was scarcely known to the public at all, except as the author of some brief tales and essays, the writer of this article took occasion to predict, in the Messenger, and in the most emphatic manner, that high and just distinction which the author in question has attained. Judge Tucker's MS. is diminutive, but neat and legible, and has much force and precision, with little of the picturesque. The care which he bestows upon his literary compositions makes itself manifest also in his chirography. The signature is more florid than the general hand. [Source: Edgar Allan Poe, "A Chapter on Autography (Part I)," Graham's Magazine, November 1841, pp. 224-234]

Tucker corresponded with the young Poe when he was editor of the Southern Literary Messenger and another Southern man of letters, William Gilmore Simms, a fellow lawyer and poet.

268 F v. Henrietta Eliza Tucker [16024] was born on 16 Dec 1787 and died in Jul 1796 at age 8.

Richard married Mary Bolling [13051] [MRIN: 4339] on 8 Oct 1761. Mary was born in 1744 and died after 1791 in Prince George City County, Virginia.

269 M i. Richard Bland [34283] was born on 23 Jul 1762 and died on 26 Mar 1806 at age 43.

Anne married Alexander Morrison [34256] [MRIN: 11608]. Alexander was born in Prince George City County, Virginia.

Jane married John Green [34275] [MRIN: 11616] on 27 Jun 1789 in Prince George City County, Virginia.

Patience married William Epes [34278] [MRIN: 11617] on 9 Dec 1786 in Prince George City County, Virginia.

Anne married William Harrison [34282] [MRIN: 11619] on 6 Dec 1788 in Prince George City County, Virginia.

283 M i. Richard Yates Bland [34261] was born about 1770 and died in Jun 1854 about age 84.

Richard married Ann Booth [34262] [MRIN: 11611], daughter of Gilliam Booth [34263] and Unknown. Ann died on 23 May 1853.

General Notes: Member of the House of Delegates to Virginia; Captain in Baylor's Dragoons during the Revolutionary War; captured at Tappan; resided at "Eastern View" Fauquier County, Virginia; aide to General Anthony Wayne.

Robert married Elizabeth Hill Carter [16366] [MRIN: 5449], daughter of Charles Carter [16369] and Mary Walker [16370]. Elizabeth was born in 1764 and died in Jun 1832 at age 68.

+ 284 F i. Eliza Carter Randolph [16371] was born in Oct 1782 and died in 1866 in Fauquier County, Virginia at age 84.

285 M ii. Robert Beverley Randolph [16372] was born in 1784 and died in Aug 1839 at age 55.

Robert married Lavinia Heth [16380] [MRIN: 5452], daughter of Henry Heth [16381] and Ann Hair [16382].

286 M iii. Charles Carter Randolph [16373] was born in Oct 1788 and died in Dec 1863 in Kinchloch, Fauquier County, Virginia at age 75.

Charles married Mary Anne Fauntleroy Mortimer [16383] [MRIN: 5454], daughter of John Mortimer [16384] and Mary French [16385], in 1825.

289 F vi. Lucy Bolling Randolph [16376] was born in Dec 1796 in Fauquier County, Virginia and died in Nov 1861 at age 64.

Lucy married Richard Chisterfield Mason [16387] [MRIN: 5457] in May 1816 in Charles City County, Virginia.

Mary married Tarlton Fleming [30146] [MRIN: 10126] about 1758 in Goochland County, Virginia. Tarlton died in Jan 1778 in Goochland County, VA.

292 M i. Tarlton Fleming [30147] was born on 18 Jul 1763 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

293 M ii. William Randolph Fleming [30148] was born on 14 Apr 1765 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

William married Nancy Webb [34170] [MRIN: 11566] on 16 Dec 1793 in Goochland County, VA.

294 M iii. Thomas Mann Fleming [30149] was born on 15 Feb 1767 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

Thomas married Anne Spotswood Payne [34171] [MRIN: 11567] on 1 Apr 1791 in Goochland County, VA.

295 F iv. Judith Fleming [30150] was born on 4 Jul 1769 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

155. Thomas Mann Randolph [34238] was born about 1741 in Tuckahoe Plantation, Goochland County, Virginia and died in 1793 about age 52.

Thomas married Anne Cary [34237] [MRIN: 11600], daughter of Col. Archibald Cary [34235] and Mary Randolph [16004]. Anne died on 6 Mar 1789.

296 F i. Mary "Mollie" Randolph [17200] was born on 9 Aug 1762 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

Mary married David Meade Randolph [34159] [MRIN: 11556], son of Richard Randolph [16002] and Anne Meade [16008], on 11 Dec 1780 in Goochland County, VA.

297 M ii. Henry Cary Randolph [17201] was born on 8 Jan 1764 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

Elizabeth married Robert Pleasants [34160] [MRIN: 11557] on 15 Oct 1784 in Goochland County, VA.

299 M iv. Thomas Mann Randolph [17203] was born on 1 Oct 1768 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia and died on 20 Jun 1828 at age 59.

300 M v. William Randolph [17204] was born on 16 Jan 1770 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

301 M vi. Archibald Cary Randolph [17205] was born on 24 Aug 1771 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

General Notes: SRC: Birth Records from the Register of St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia. (William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, Vol 15, No 2 pgs - 113-123)

+ 302 F vii. Judith Randolph [17206] was born on 24 Nov 1772 in Tuckahoe Plantation, Goochland County, Virginia.

+ 303 F viii. Anne Cary Randolph [17207] was born on 15 Sep 1774 in Tuckahoe Plantation, Goochland County, Virginia and died on 28 May 1837 in New York at age 62.

304 F ix. Jane Cary Randolph [17208] was born on 17 Dec 1776 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

Jane married Thomas Eston Randolph [34163] [MRIN: 11560] on 8 Apr 1795 in Chesterfield County, Virginia.

John married Judith Archer Lewis [34164] [MRIN: 11561] on 12 Jun 1809 in Powhatan County, Virginia.

Thomas next married Gabriella Harvie [16033] [MRIN: 11552], daughter of John Harvie [34158] and Unknown.

Mary married John Bolling [18040] [MRIN: 6078] in 1760 in Virginia. John was born in 1741.

309 M i. Thomas Bolling [30129] was born on 11 Feb 1764 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

310 F ii. Jane Bolling [30131] was born on 17 Sep 1765 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

311 F iii. Ann Bolling [30133] was born on 18 Jul 1767 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

312 F iv. Martha Bolling [30136] was born in 1769 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

313 M v. Edward Bolling [30139] was born on 17 Sep 1772 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

General Notes: Third President of the United States.

Graduated from College of William and Mary 1762
Member of Virginia House of Burgesses 1769-74
Member of Continental Congress 1775-76
Governor of Virginia 1779-81
Member of Continental Congress 1783-85
Minister to France 1785-89
Secretary of State 1790-93
Vice President 1797-1801
3rd President of the United States 1801-1809

At 3 cents per acre, purchased the Louisiana Territory.
Dispatched Lewis and Clark on their famous exploration.
Signs Bill outlawing the importation of slaves.
Invented a machine that makes fiber from hemp.
Invented the lazy-susan.
Made $25,000 per year as President.

born April 2, 1743, Shadwell, Virginia [U.S.]
died July 4, 1826, Monticello, Virginia, U.S.

Draftsman of the Declaration of Independence of the United States and the nation's first secretary of state (1789–94), second vice president (1797–1801), and, as the third president (1801–09), statesman responsible for the Louisiana Purchase. An early advocate of total separation of church and state, he also was the founder and architect of the University of Virginia and the most eloquent American proponent of individual freedom as the core meaning of the American Revolution.

Long regarded as America's most distinguished “apostle of liberty,” Jefferson has come under increasingly critical scrutiny within the scholarly world. At the popular level, both in the United States and abroad, he remains an incandescent icon, an inspirational symbol for both major U.S. political parties, as well as for dissenters in communist China, liberal reformers in central and eastern Europe, and aspiring democrats in Africa and Latin America. His image within scholarly circles has suffered, however, as the focus on racial equality has prompted a more negative reappraisal of his dependence upon slavery and his conviction that American society remain a white man's domain. The huge gap between his lyrical expression of liberal ideals and the more attenuated reality of his own life has transformed Jefferson into America's most problematic and paradoxical hero.

Albermarle county, where he was born, lay in the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains in what was then regarded as a western province of the Old Dominion. His father, Peter Jefferson, was a self-educated surveyor who amassed a tidy estate that included 60 slaves. According to family lore, Jefferson's earliest memory was as a three-year-old boy “being carried on a pillow by a mounted slave” when the family moved from Shadwell to Tuckahoe. His mother, Jane Randolph Jefferson, was descended from one of the most prominent families in Virginia. She raised two sons, of whom Jefferson was the eldest, and six daughters. There is reason to believe that Jefferson's relationship with his mother was strained, especially after his father died in 1757, because he did everything he could to escape her supervision and had almost nothing to say about her in his memoirs. He boarded with the local schoolmaster to learn his Latin and Greek until 1760, when he entered the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg.

By all accounts he was an obsessive student, often spending 15 hours of the day with his books, 3 hours practicing his violin, and the remaining 6 hours eating and sleeping. The two chief influences on his learning were William Small, a Scottish-born teacher of mathematics and science, and George Wythe, the leading legal scholar in Virginia. From them Jefferson learned a keen appreciation of supportive mentors, a concept he later institutionalized at the University of Virginia. He read law with Wythe from 1762 to 1767, then left Williamsburg to practice, mostly representing small-scale planters from the western counties in cases involving land claims and titles. Although he handled no landmark cases and came across as a nervous and somewhat indifferent speaker before the bench, he earned a reputation as a formidable legal scholar. He was a shy and extremely serious young man.

In 1768 he made two important decisions: first, to build his own home atop an 867-foot high mountain near Shadwell that he eventually named Monticello and, second, to stand as a candidate for the House of Burgesses. These decisions nicely embodied the two competing impulses that would persist throughout his life—namely, to combine an active career in politics with periodic seclusion in his own private haven. His political timing was also impeccable, for he entered the Virginia legislature just as opposition to the taxation policies of the British Parliament was congealing. Although he made few speeches and tended to follow the lead of the Tidewater elite, his support for resolutions opposing Parliament's authority over the colonies was resolute.

In the early 1770s his own character was also congealing. In 1772 he married Martha Wayles Skelton, an attractive and delicate young widow whose dowry more than doubled his holdings in land and slaves. In 1774 he wrote “A Summary View of the Rights of British America,” which was quickly published, though without his permission, and catapulted him into visibility beyond Virginia as an early advocate of American independence from Parliament's authority; the American colonies were tied to Great Britain,he believed, only by wholly voluntary bonds of loyalty to the king.

His reputation thus enhanced, the Virginia legislature appointed him a delegate to the Second Continental Congress in the spring of 1775. He rode into Philadelphia—and into American history—on June 20, 1775, a tall (slightly above 6 feet 2 inches [1.88 metres]) and gangly young man with reddish blond hair, hazel eyes, a burnished complexion, and rock-ribbed certainty about the American cause. In retrospect, the central paradox of his life was also on display, for the man who the following year was to craft the most famous manifesto for human equality in world history arrived in an ornate carriage drawn by four handsome horses and accompanied by three slaves.

Jefferson's inveterate shyness prevented him from playing a significant role in the debates within the Congress. John Adams, a leader in those debates, remembered that Jefferson was silent even in committee meetings, though consistently staunch in his support for independence. His chief role was as a draftsman of resolutions. In that capacity, on June 11, 1776, he was appointed to a five-person committee, which also included Adams and Benjamin Franklin, to draft a formal statement of the reasons why a break with Great Britain was justified. Adams asked him to prepare the first draft, which he did within a few days. He later claimed that he was not striving for “originality of principle or sentiment,” only seeking to provide “an expression of the American mind”; that is, putting into words those ideas already accepted by a majority of Americans. This accurately describes the longest section of the Declaration of Independence, which lists the grievances against George III. It does not, however, describe the following 55 words, which are generally regarded as the seminal statement of American political culture:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness;that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

On July 3–4 the Congress debated and edited Jefferson's draft, deleting and revising fully one-fifth of the text. But they made no changes whatsoever in this passage, which over succeeding generations became the lyrical sanction for every liberal movement in American history. At the time, Jefferson himself was disconsolate that the Congress had seen fit to make any changes in his language. Nevertheless, he was not regarded by his contemporaries as the author of the Declaration, which was seen as a collective effort by the entire Congress. Indeed, he was not known by most Americans as the principal author until the 1790s.

He returned to Virginia in October 1776 and immediately launched an extensive project for the reform of the state's legal code to bring it in line with the principles of the American Revolution. Three areas of reform suggest the arc of his political vision: first, he sought and secured abolition of primogeniture, entail, and all those remnants of feudalism that discouraged a broad distribution of property; second, he proposed a comprehensive plan of educational reform designed to assure access at the lowest level for all citizens and state support at the higher levels for the most talented; third, he advocated a law prohibiting any religious establishment and requiring complete separation of church and state. The last two proposals were bitterly contested, especially the statute for religious freedom, which was not enacted until 1786.

Taken together, these legal reforms capture the essence of Jefferson's political philosophy, which was less a comprehensive body of thought than a visionary prescription. He regarded the past as a “dead hand” of encrusted privileges and impediments that must be cast off to permit the natural energies of individual citizens to flow freely. The American Revolution, as he saw it, was the first shot in what would eventually became a global battle for human liberation from despotic institutions and all coercive versions of government.

At the end of what was probably the most creative phase of his public career, personal misfortune struck in two successive episodes. Elected governor of Virginia in 1779, he was caught off-guard by a surprise British invasion in 1780 against which the state was defenseless. His flight from approaching British troops was described in the local press, somewhat unfairly, as a cowardly act of abdication. (Critics would recall this awkward moment throughout the remainder of his long career.) Then, in September 1782, his wife died after a difficult delivery in May of their third daughter. These two disasters caused him to vow that he would never again desert his family for his country.

The vow was sincere but short-lived. Jefferson agreed, albeit reluctantly, to serve as a delegate to the Continental Congress in December 1782, where his major contribution was to set forth the principle that territories in the West should not be treated as colonies but rather should enter the Union with status equal to the original states once certain conditions were met. Then, in 1784, recognizing the need to escape the memories of Martha that haunted the hallways at Monticello, he agreed to replace Franklin as American minister to France; or, as legend tells the story, he agreed to succeed Franklin, noting that no one could replace him.

During his five-year sojourn in Paris, Jefferson accomplished very little in any official sense. Several intractable conditions rendered his best diplomatic efforts futile: the United States was heavily in debt owing to the recent war, so few European nations were interested in signing treaties of amity and commerce with the infant American republic; the federal government created under the Articles of Confederation was notoriously weak, so clear foreign policy directives proved impossible; Great Britain already enjoyed a monopoly, controlling more than 80 percent of America's foreign trade, so it had no incentive to negotiate commercial treaties on less favorable terms; and France was drifting toward a cataclysmic political crisis of its own, so relations with the upstart new nation across the Atlantic were hardly a high priority.

As a result, Jefferson's diplomatic overtures to establish a market for American tobacco and to reopen French ports to whale oil produced meager results, his efforts to create an alliance of American and European powers to contest the terrorism of the Barbary pirates proved stillborn, and his vision of open markets for all nations, a world without tariffs, seemed excessively visionary. His only significant achievement was the negotiation of a $400,000 loan from Dutch bankers that allowed the American government to consolidate its European debts, but even that piece of diplomacy was conducted primarily by John Adams, then serving as American minister to the Court of St. James's in London.

But the Paris years were important to Jefferson for personal reasons and are important to biographers and historians for the new light they shed on his famously elusive personality. The dominant pattern would seem to be the capacity to live comfortably with contradiction. For example, he immersed himself wholeheartedly in the art, architecture, wine, and food of Parisian society but warned all prospective American tourists to remain in America so as to avoid the avarice, luxury, and sheer sinfulness of European fleshpots. He made a point of bringing along his elder daughter, Martha (called Patsy as a girl), and later sent for his younger daughter, Maria (called Polly), all as part of his genuine devotion as a single parent. But he then placed both daughters in a convent, wrote them stern lecture like letters about proper female etiquette, and enforced a patriarchal distance that was in practice completely at odds with his theoretical commitment to intimacy.

With women in general his letters convey a message of conspicuous gallantry, playfully flirtatious in the manner of a male coquette. The most self-revealing letter he ever wrote, “a dialogue between the head and the heart,” was sent to Maria Cosway, an Anglo-Italian beauty who left him utterly infatuated. Jefferson and Cosway, who was married to a prominent if somewhat degenerate English miniaturist, spent several months in a romantic haze, touring Parisian gardens, museums, and art shows together, but whether Jefferson's head or heart prevailed, either in the letter or in life, is impossible to know. Meanwhile, there is considerable evidence to suggest, but not to prove conclusively, that Jefferson initiated a sexual liaison with his attractive young mulatto slave Sally Hemings in 1788, about the time his torrid affair with Cosway cooled down—this despite his public statements denouncing blacks as biologically inferior and sexual relations between the races as taboo.

During the latter stages of Jefferson's stay in Paris, Louis XVI, the French king, was forced to convene the Assembly of Notables in Versailles to deal with France's deep financial crisis. Jefferson initially regarded the assembly as a French version of the Constitutional Convention, then meeting in Philadelphia. Much influenced by moderate leaders such as the Marquis de Lafayette, he expected the French Revolution to remain a bloodless affair that would culminate in a revised French government, probably a constitutional monarchy along English lines. He remained oblivious to the erroneous resentments and volatile energies pent up within French society that were about to explode in the Reign of Terror, mostly because he thought the French Revolution would follow the American model. He was fortunate to depart France late in 1789, just at the onset of mob violence.

Even before his departure from France, Jefferson had overseen the publication of Notes on the State of Virginia. This book, the only one Jefferson ever published, was part travel guide, part scientific treatise, and part philosophical meditation. Jefferson had written it in the fall of 1781 and had agreed to a French edition only after learning that an unauthorized version was already in press. Notes contained an extensive discussion of slavery, including a graphic description of its horrific effects on both blacks and whites, a strong assertion that it violated the principles on which the American Revolution was based, and an apocalyptic prediction that failure to end slavery would lead to “convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of one or the other race.” It also contained the most explicit assessment that Jefferson ever wrote of what he believed were the biological differences between blacks and whites, an assessment that exposed the deep-rooted racism that he, like most Americans and almost all Virginians of his day, harbored throughout his life. Coming as it did at the midpoint of his career, the publication of Notes affords the opportunity to review Jefferson's previous and subsequent positions on the most volatile and therefore most forbidden topic in the revolutionary era.

To his critics in later generations, Jefferson's views on race seemed particularly virulent because of his purported relationship with Sally Hemings, who bore several children obviously fathered by a white man and some of whom had features resembling those of Jefferson. The public assertion of this relationship was originally made in 1802 by a disreputable journalist interested in injuring Jefferson's political career. His claim was corroborated, however, by one of Hemings's children in an 1873 newspaper interview and then again in a 1968 book by Winthrop Jordan revealing that Hemings became pregnant only when Jefferson was present at Monticello. Finally, in 1998, DNA samples were gathered from living descendants of Jefferson and Hemings. Tests revealed that Jefferson was almost certainly the father of some of Hemings's children. What remained unclear was the character of the relationship—consensual or coercive, a matter of love or rape, or a mutually satisfactory arrangement. Jefferson's admirers preferred to consider it a love affair and to see Jefferson and Hemings as America's preeminent biracial couple. His critics, on the other hand, considered Jefferson a sexual predator whose eloquent statements about human freedom and equality were hypocritical.

In any case, coming as it did at the midpoint of Jefferson's career, the publication of Notes affords the opportunity to review Jefferson's previous and subsequent positions on the most volatile and therefore most forbidden topic in the revolutionary era. Early in his career Jefferson had taken a leadership role in pushing slavery onto the political agenda in the Virginia assembly and the federal Congress. In the 1760s and '70s, like most Virginia planters, he endorsed the end of the slave trade. (Virginia's plantations were already well stocked with slaves, so ending the slave trade posed no economic threat and even enhanced the value of the existent slave population.) In his original draft of the Declaration of Independence, he included a passage, subsequently deleted by the Continental Congress, blaming both the slave trade and slavery itself on George III. Unlike most of his fellow Virginians, Jefferson was prepared to acknowledge that slavery was an anomaly in the American republic established in 1776. His two most practical proposals came in the early 1780s: a gradual emancipation scheme by which all slaves born after 1800 would be freed and their owners compensated, and a prohibition of slavery in all the territories of the West as a condition for admission to the Union. By the time of the publication of Notes, then, Jefferson's record on slavery placed him among the most progressive elements of southern society. Rather than ask how he could possibly tolerate the persistence of slavery, it is more historically correct to wonder how this member of Virginia's planter class had managed to develop such liberal convictions.

Dating the onset of a long silence is inevitably an imprecise business, but by the time of his return to the United States in 1789 Jefferson had backed away from a leadership position on slavery. The ringing denunciations of slavery presented in Notes had generated controversy, especially within the planter class of Virginia, and Jefferson's deep aversion to controversy made him withdraw from the cutting edge of the antislavery movement once he experienced the sharp feelings it aroused. Moreover, the very logic of his argument in Notes exposed the inherent intractability of his position. Although he believed that slavery was a gross violation of the principles celebrated in the Declaration of Independence, he also believed that people of African descent were biologically inferior to whites and could never live alongside whites in peace and harmony. They would have to be transported elsewhere, back to Africa or perhaps the Caribbean, after emancipation. Because such a massive deportation was a logistical and economic impossibility, the unavoidable conclusion was that, though slavery was wrong, ending it, at least at present, was inconceivable. That became Jefferson's public position throughout the remainder of his life.

It also shaped his personal posture as a slave owner. Jefferson owned, on average, about 200 slaves at any point in time, and slightly over 600 over his lifetime. To protect himself from facing the reality of his problematic status as plantation master, he constructed a paternalistic self-image as a benevolent father caring for what he called “my family.” Believing that he and his slaves were the victims of history's failure to proceed along the enlightened path, he saw himself as the steward for those entrusted to his care until a better future arrived for them all. In the meantime, his own lavish lifestyle and all the incessant and expensive renovations of his Monticello mansion were wholly dependent on slave labor. Whatever silent thoughts he might have harbored about freeing his slaves never found their way into the record. (He freed only five slaves, all members of the Hemings family.) His mounting indebtedness rendered all such thoughts superfluous toward the end, because his slaves, like all his possessions, were mortgaged to his creditors and therefore not really his to free.

Jefferson returned to the United States in 1789 to serve as the first secretary of state under President George Washington. He was entering the most uncharted waters in American history. There had never been an enduring republican government in a nation as large as the United States, and no one was sure if it was possible or how it would work. The Constitution ratified in 1788 was still a work-in-progress, less a blueprint that provided answers than a framework for arguing about the salient questions. And because Jefferson had been serving in France when the constitutional battles of 1787–88 were waged in Philadelphia and then in the state ratifying conventions, he entered the volatile debates of the 1790s without a clear track record of his constitutional convictions. In truth, unlike his friend and disciple James Madison, Jefferson did not think primarily in constitutional categories. His major concern about the new Constitution was the absence of any bill of rights. He was less interested in defining the powers of government than in identifying those regions where government could not intrude.

During his tenure as secretary of state (1790–93), foreign policy was his chief responsibility. Within the cabinet a three-pronged division soon emerged over American policy toward the European powers. While all parties embraced some version of the neutrality doctrine, the specific choices posed by the ongoing competition for supremacy in Europe between England and France produced a bitter conflict. Washington and Adams, who was serving as vice president, insisted on complete neutrality, which in practice meant tacking back and forth between the two dominant world powers of the moment. Alexander Hamilton pushed for a pro-English version of neutrality—chiefly commercial ties with the most potent mercantile power in the world. Jefferson favored a pro-French version of neutrality, arguing that the Franco-American treaty of 1778 obliged the United States to honor past French support during the war for independence, and that the French Revolution embodied the “spirit of '76” on European soil. Even when the French Revolution spun out of control and began to devour its own partisans, Jefferson insisted that these bloody convulsions were only temporary excesses justified by the larger ideological issues at stake.

This remained his unwavering position throughout the decade. Even after he retired from office late in 1793, he issued directives from Monticello opposing the Neutrality Act (1793) and the Jay Treaty (1795) as pacts with the British harlot and betrayals of our French brethren. Serving as vice president during the Adams presidency (1796–1800), Jefferson worked behind the scenes to undermine Adams's efforts to sustain strict neutrality and blamed the outbreak of the “quasi-war” with France in 1797–98 on what he called “our American Anglophiles” rather than the French Directory. His foreign-policy vision was resolutely moralistic and highly ideological, dominated by a dichotomous view of England as a corrupt and degenerate engine of despotism and France as the enlightened wave of the future.

Jefferson's position on domestic policy during the 1790s was a variation on the same ideological dichotomy. As Hamilton began to construct his extensive financial program—to include funding the national debt, assuming the state debts, and creating a national bank—Jefferson came to regard the consolidation of power at the federal level as a diabolical plot to subvert the true meaning of the American Revolution. As Jefferson saw it, the entire Federalist commitment to an energetic central government with broad powers over the domestic economy replicated the arbitrary policies of Parliament and George III, which the American Revolution had supposedly repudiated as monarchical and aristocratic practices, incompatible with the principles of republicanism. Jefferson sincerely believed that the “principles of '76” were being betrayed by a Federalist version of the “court party,” whose covert scheme was to install monarchy and a pseudo-aristocracy of banker sand “monocrats” to rule over the American yeomanry.

All the major events of the decade—the creation of a national bank, the debate over the location of a national capital, the suppression of the Whiskey Rebellion in western Pennsylvania, the passage of the Jay Treaty, and, most notoriously, the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Acts—were viewed through this ideological lens. By the middle years of the decade two distinctive political camps had emerged, calling themselves Federalists and Republicans. Not that modern-day political parties, with their mechanisms for raising money, selecting candidates, and waging election campaigns, were fully formed at this stage. (Full-blooded political parties date from the 1830s and '40s.) But an embryonic version of the party structure was congealing, and Jefferson, assisted and advised by Madison, established the rudiments of the first opposition party in American politics under the Republican banner.

The partnership between Jefferson and Madison, labeled by subsequent historians as “the great collaboration,” deserves special attention. John Quincy Adams put it nicely when he observed that “the mutual influence of these two mighty minds on each other is a phenomenon, like the invisible and mysterious movements of the magnet in the physical world.” Because the notion of a legitimate opposition to the elected government did not yet exist, and because the term party remained an epithet that was synonymous with faction, meaning an organized effort to undermine the public interest, Jefferson and Madison were labeled as traitors by the Federalist press. They were, in effect, inventing a modern form of political behavior before there was any neutral vocabulary for talking about it. Jefferson's own capacity to live comfortably with contradictions served him well in this context, since he was creating and leading a political party while insisting that parties were evil agents. In 1796 he ran for the presidency against Adams, all the while claiming not to know that he was even a candidate. Most negative assessments of Jefferson's character date from this period, especially the charge of hypocrisy and duplicity.

The highly combustible political culture of the early republic reached a crescendo in the election of 1800, one of the most fiercely contested campaigns in American history. The Federalist press described Jefferson as a pagan and atheist, a treasonable conspirator against the duly elected administrations of Washington and Adams, a utopian dreamer with anarchistic tendencies toward the role of government, and a cunning behind-the-scenes manipulator of Republican propaganda. All these charges were gross exaggerations, save the last. Always operating through intermediaries, Jefferson paid several journalists to libel Adams, his old friend but current political enemy, and offered the vice presidency to Aaron Burr in return for delivering the electoral votes of New York. In the final tally the 12 New York votes made the difference, with the tandem of Jefferson and Burr winning 73 to 65. A quirk in the Constitution, subsequently corrected in the 12th Amendment, prevented electors from distinguishing between their choice of president and vice president, so Jefferson and Burr tied for the top spot, even though voter preference for Jefferson was incontestable. The decision was thrown into the House of Representatives where, after several weeks of debate and backroom wheeling and dealing, Jefferson was elected on the 36th ballot.

There was a good deal of nervous speculation whether the new American nation could survive a Jefferson presidency. The entire thrust of Jefferson's political position throughout the 1790s had been defiantly negative, rejecting as excessive the powers vested in the national government by the Federalists. In his Virginia Resolutions of 1798, written in protest of the Alien and Sedition Acts, he had described any projection of federal authority over the domestic policy of the states as a violation of “the spirit of '76” and therefore a justification for secession from the Union. (This became the position of the Confederacy in 1861.) His Federalist critics wondered how he could take an oath to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States if his primary go alas president was to dismantle the federal institutions created by that very document. As he rose to deliver his inaugural address on March 4, 1801, in the still-unfinished Capitol of the equally unfinished national capital on the Potomac, the mood was apprehensive. The most rabid alarmists had already been proved wrong, since the first transfer of power from one political regime to another had occurred peacefully, even routinely. But it was still very much an open question whether, as Lincoln later put it, “any nation so conceived and so dedicated could long endure” in the absence of a central government along Federalist lines.

The major message of Jefferson's inaugural address was conciliatory. Its most famous line (“We are all republicans—we are all federalists”) suggested that the scatological party battles of the previous decade must cease. He described his election as a recovery of the original intentions of the American Revolution, this after the hostile takeover of those “ancient and sacred truths” by the Federalists, who had erroneously assumed that a stable American nation required a powerful central government. In Jefferson's truly distinctive and original formulation, the coherence of the American republic did not require the mechanisms of a powerful state to survive or flourish. Indeed, the health of the emerging American nation was inversely proportional to the power of the federal government, for in the end the sovereign source of republican government was voluntary popular opinion, “the people,” and the latent energies these liberated individuals released when unburdened by government restrictions.

Initially, at least, his policies as president reflected these priorities, which meant dismantling the embryonic federal government, the army and navy, and all federal taxation programs, as well as placing the national debt, which stood at $112 million, on the road to extinction. These reforms enjoyed considerable success for two reasons. First, the temporary cessation of the war between England and France for European supremacy permitted American merchants to trade with both sides and produced unprecedented national prosperity. Second, in selecting Albert Gallatin as secretary of the Treasury, Jefferson placed one of the most capable managers of fiscal policy in the most strategic location. Gallatin, a Swiss-born prodigy with impeccable Republican credentials, dominated the cabinet discussions alongside Madison, the ever-loyal Jefferson disciple who served as secretary of state.

Actually there were very few cabinet discussions because Jefferson preferred to do the bulk of business within the executive branch in writing. Crafting language on the page was his most obvious talent, and he required all cabinet officers to submit drafts of their recommendations, which he then edited and returned for their comments. The same textual approach applied to his dealings with Congress. All of his annual messages were delivered in writing rather than in person. Indeed, apart from his two inaugural addresses, there is no record of Jefferson delivering any public speeches whatsoever. In part this was a function of his notoriously inadequate abilities as an orator, but it also reflected his desire to make the office of the presidency almost invisible. His one gesture at visibility was to schedule weekly dinners when Congress was in session, which became famous for the quality of the wine, the pell-mell seating arrangements, and informal approach to etiquette—a clear defiance of European-style decorum.

The major achievement of his first term was also an act of defiance, though this time it involved defying his own principles. In 1803 Napoleon decided to consolidate his resources for a new round of the conflict with England by selling the vast Louisiana region, which stretched from the Mississippi Valley to the Rocky Mountains. Although the asking price, $15 million, was a stupendous bargain, assuming the cost meant substantially increasing the national debt. More significantly, what became known as the Louisiana Purchase violated Jefferson's constitutional scruples. Indeed, many historians regard it as the boldest executive action in American history. But Jefferson never wavered, reasoning that the opportunity to double the national domain was too good to miss. The American West always triggered Jefferson's most visionary energies, seeing it, as he did, as America's future, the place where the simple republican principles could be constantly renewed. In one fell swoop he removed the threat of a major European power from America's borders and extended the life span of the uncluttered agrarian values he so cherished. Even before news that the purchase was approved reached the United States in July 1803, Jefferson dispatched his private secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to lead an expedition to explore the new acquisition and the lands beyond, all the way to the Pacific.

If the Louisiana Purchase was the crowning achievement of Jefferson's presidency, it also proved to be the high point from which events moved steadily in the other direction. Although the Federalist Party was dead as a national force, pockets of Federalist opposition still survived, especially in New England. Despite his eloquent testimonials to the need for a free press, Jefferson was outraged by the persistent attacks on his policies and character from those quarters, and he instructed the attorneys general in the recalcitrant states to seek indictments, in clear violation of his principled commitment to freedom of expression. He was equally heavy-handed in his treatment of Aaron Burr, who was tried for treason after leading a mysterious expedition into the American Southwest allegedly designed to detach that region from the United States with Burr crowned as its benevolent dictator. The charges were never proved, but Jefferson demanded Burr's conviction despite the lack of evidence. He was overruled in the end by Chief Justice John Marshall, who sat as the judge in the trial.

But Jefferson's major disappointment had its origins in Europe with the resumption of the Napoleonic Wars, which resulted in naval blockades in the Atlantic and Caribbean that severely curtailed American trade and pressured the U.S. government to take sides in the conflict. Jefferson's response was the Embargo Act (1807), which essentially closed American ports to all foreign imports and American exports. The embargo assumed that the loss of American trade would force England and France to alter their policies, but this fond hope was always an illusion, since the embryonic American economy lacked the size to generate such influence and was itself wrecked by Jefferson's action. Moreover, the enforcement of the Embargo Act required the exercise of precisely those coercive powers by the federal government that Jefferson had previously opposed. By the time he left office in March 1809, Jefferson was a tired and beaten man, anxious to escape the consequences of his futile efforts to preserve American neutrality and eager to embrace the two-term precedent established by Washington.

During the last 17 years of his life Jefferson maintained a crowded and active schedule. He rose with the dawn each day, bathed his feet in cold water, then spent the morning on his correspondence (one year he counted writing 1,268 letters) and working in his garden. Each afternoon he took a two-hour ride around his grounds. Dinner, served in the late afternoon, was usually an occasion to gather his daughter Martha and her 12 children, along with the inevitable visitors. Monticello became a veritable hotel during these years, on occasion housing 50 guests. The lack of privacy caused Jefferson to build a separate house on his Bedford estate about 90 miles from Monticello, where he periodically fled for seclusion.

Three architectural projects claimed a considerable share of his attention. Throughout his life Monticello remained a work-in-progress that had the appearance of a construction site. Even during his retirement years, Jefferson's intensive efforts at completing the renovations never quite produced the masterpiece of neoclassical design he wanted to achieve and that modern-day visitors to Monticello find so compelling. A smaller but more architecturally distinctive mansion at Bedford, called Poplar Forest, was completed on schedule. It too embodied neoclassical principles but was shaped as a perfect octagon. Finally there was the campus of the University of Virginia at Charlottesville, which Jefferson called his “academical village.”Jefferson surveyed the site, which he could view in the distance from his mountaintop, and chose the Pantheon of Rome as the model for the rotunda, the centerpiece flanked by two rows of living quarters for students and faculty. In 1976 the American Institute of Architects voted it “the proudest achievement of American architecture in the past 200 years.” Even the “interior” design of the University of Virginia embodied Jeffersonian principles, in that he selected all the books for the library, defined the curriculum, picked the faculty, and chaired the Board of Visitors. Unlike every other American college at the time, “Mr. Jefferson's university” had no religious affiliation and imposed no religious requirement on its students. As befitted an institution shaped by a believer in wholly voluntary and consensual networks of governance, there were no curricular requirements, no mandatory code of conduct except the self-enforced honor system, no president or administration. Every aspect of life at the University of Virginia reflected Jefferson's belief that the only legitimate form of governance was self-governance.

In 1812 his vast correspondence began to include an exchange with his former friend and more recent rival John Adams. The reconciliation between the two patriarchs was arranged by their mutual friend Benjamin Rush, who described them as “the North and South poles of the American Revolution.” That description suggested more than merely geographic symbolism, since Adams and Jefferson effectively, even dramatically, embodied the twin impulses of the revolutionary generation. As the “Sage of Monticello,” Jefferson represented the Revolution as a clean break with the past, the rejection of all European versions of political discipline as feudal vestiges, the ingrained hostility toward all mechanisms of governmental authority that originated in faraway places. As the “Sage of Quincy (Massachusetts),” Adams resembled an American version of Edmund Burke, which meant that he attributed the success of the American Revolution to its linkage with past practices, most especially the tradition of representative government established in the colonial assemblies. He regarded the constitutional settlement of 1787–88 as a shrewd compromise with the political necessities of a nation-state exercising jurisdiction over an extensive, eventually continental, empire, not as a betrayal of the American Revolution but an evolutionary fulfillment of its promise.

These genuine differences of opinion made Adams and Jefferson the odd couple of the American Revolution and were the primary reasons why they had drifted to different sides of the divide during the party wars of the 1790s. The exchange of 158 letters between 1812 and 1826 permitted the two sages to pose as philosopher-kings and create what is arguably the most intellectually impressive correspondence between statesmen in all of American history. Beyond the elegiac tone and almost sculpted serenity of the letters, the correspondence exposed the fundamental contradictions thatthe American Revolution managed to contain. As Adams so poignantly put it,“You and I ought not to die before we have explained ourselves to each other.” And because of Adams's incessant prodding, Jefferson was frequently forced to clarify his mature position on the most salient issues of the era.

One issue that even Adams and Jefferson could not discuss candidly was slavery. Jefferson's mature position on that forbidden subject represented a further retreat from any leadership role in ending the “peculiar institution.” In 1819, during the debate in Congress over the Missouri Compromise, he endorsed the expansion of slavery into all the western territories, precisely the opposite of the position he had taken in the 1780s. Though he continued to insist that slavery was a massive anomaly, he insisted even more strongly that it was wrong for the federal government to attempt any effort at emancipation. In fact he described any federal intrusion in the matter as a despotic act analogous to George III's imperial interference in colonial affairs or Hamilton's corrupt scheme to establish a disguised form of monarchy in the early republic. His letters to fellow Virginians during his last years reflect a conspiratorial mentality toward the national government and clear preference for secession if threatened with any mandatory plan for abolition.

Apart from slavery, the other shadow that darkened Monticello during Jefferson's twilight years was debt. Jefferson was chronically in debt throughout most of his life, in part because of obligations inherited from his father-in-law in his wife's dowry, mostly because of his own lavish lifestyle, which never came to terms with the proverbial bottom line despite careful entries in his account books that provided him with only the illusion of control. In truth, by the 1820s the interest on his debt was compounding at a faster rate than any repayment schedule could meet. By the end, he was more than $100,000—in modern terms several million dollars—in debt. An exception was made in Virginia law to permit a lottery that Jefferson hoped would allow his heirs to retain at least a portion of his property. But the massiveness of his debt overwhelmed all such hopes. Monticello, including land, mansion, furnishings, and the vast bulk of the slave population, was auctioned off the year after his death, and his surviving daughter, Martha, was forced to accept charitable contributions to sustain her family.

Before that ignominious end, which Jefferson never lived to see, he managed to sound one last triumphant note that projected his most enduring and attractive message to posterity. In late June 1826 Jefferson was asked to join the Independence Day celebrations in Washington, D.C., on the 50th anniversary of the defining event in his and the nation's life. He declined, explaining that he was in no condition to leave his mountaintop. But he mustered up one final surge of energy to draft a statement that would be read in his absence at the ceremony. He clearly intended it as his final testament. Though some of the language, like the language of the Declaration itself, was borrowed from others, here was the vintage Jeffersonian vision:

"May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government.... All eyes are opened or opening to the rights of men. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of this day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them."

Even as these words were being read in Washington, Jefferson went to his maker in his bed at Monticello at about half past noon on July 4, 1826. His last conscious words, uttered the preceding evening, were “Is it the Fourth?” Always a man given to Herculean feats of self-control, he somehow managed to time his own death to coincide with history. More remarkably, up in Quincy on that same day his old rival and friend also managed to die on schedule. John Adams passed away later in the afternoon. His last words—“Thomas Jefferson still lives”—were wrong at the moment but right for the future, since Jefferson's complex legacy was destined to become the most resonant and controversial touchstone in all of American history.

• Third President of the United: In the thick of party conflict in 1800, Thomas Jefferson wrote in a private letter, "I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."

This powerful advocate of liberty was born in 1743 in Albemarle County, Virginia, inheriting from his father, a planter and surveyor, some 5,000 acres of land, and from his mother, a Randolph, high social standing. He studied at the College of William and Mary, then read law. In 1772 he married Martha Wayles Skelton, a widow, and took her to live in his partly constructed mountaintop home, Monticello.

Freckled and sandy-haired, rather tall and awkward, Jefferson was eloquent as a correspondent, but he was no public speaker. In the Virginia House of Burgesses and the Continental Congress, he contributed his pen rather than his voice to the patriot cause. As a "silent member" of the Congress, Jefferson, at 33, drafted the Declaration of Independence. In years following he labored to make its words a reality in Virginia. Most notably, he wrote a bill establishing religious freedom, enacted in 1786.

Jefferson succeeded Benjamin Franklin as minister to France in 1785. His sympathy for the French Revolution led him into conflict with Alexander Hamilton when Jefferson was Secretary of State in President Washington's Cabinet. He resigned in 1793.

Sharp political conflict developed, and separate parties, the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans, began to form. Jefferson gradually assumed leadership of the Republicans, who sympathized with the revolutionary cause in France. Attacking Federalist policies, he opposed a strong centralized Government and championed the rights of states.

As a reluctant candidate for President in 1796, Jefferson came within three votes of election. Through a flaw in the Constitution, he became Vice-President, although an opponent of President Adams. In 1800 the defect caused a more serious problem. Republican electors, attempting to name a President and a Vice President from their own party, cast a tie vote between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. The House of Representatives settled the tie. Hamilton, disliking both Jefferson and Burr, nevertheless urged Jefferson's election.

When Jefferson assumed the Presidency, the crisis in France had passed. He slashed Army and Navy expenditures, cut the budget, eliminated the tax on whiskey so unpopular in the West, yet reduced the national debt by a third. He also sent a naval squadron to fight the Barbary pirates, who were harassing American commerce in the Mediterranean. Further, although the Constitution made no provision for the acquisition of new land, Jefferson suppressed his qualms over constitutionality when he had the opportunity to acquire the Louisiana Territory from Napoleon in 1803.

During Jefferson's second term, he was increasingly preoccupied with keeping the Nation from involvement in the Napoleonic Wars, though both England and France interfered with the neutral rights of American merchantmen. Jefferson's attempted solution, an embargo upon American shipping, worked badly and was unpopular.

Jefferson retired to Monticello to ponder such projects as his grand designs for the University of Virginia. A French nobleman observed that he had placed his house and his mind "on an elevated situation, from which he might contemplate the universe."

Jefferson died on July 4, 1826.

Thomas married Martha Wayles [17061] [MRIN: 5735] on 1 Jan 1772 in "The Forest" Williamsburg, Virginia. Martha was born in 1748 in Charles City County, Virginia and died on 6 Sep 1782 in Monticello, Virginia at age 34.

General Notes: When Thomas Jefferson came courting, Martha Wayles Skelton at 22 was already a widow, an heiress, and a mother whose firstborn son would die in early childhood. Family tradition says she was accomplished and beautiful - - with slender figure, hazel eyes, and auburn hair - - and wooed by many. Perhaps a mutual love of music cemented the romance; Jefferson played the violin, and one of the furnishings he ordered for the home he was building at Monticello was a "forte-piano" for his bride.

They were married on New Years Day, 1772, at the bride's plantation home "The Forest", near Williamsburg. When they finally reached Monticello in a late January snowstorm to find no fire, no food, and the servants asleep, they toasted their new home with a leftover half-bottle of wine and "song and merriment and laughter." That night, on their own mountaintop, the love of Thomas Jefferson and his bride seemed strong enough to endure any adversity.

The birth of their daughter Martha in September increased their happiness. Within ten years the family gained five more children. Of them all, only two lived to grow up: Martha, called Patsy, and Mary called Maria or Polly.

The physical strain of frequent pregnancies weakened Martha Jefferson so gravely that her husband curtailed his political activities to stay near her. He served in Virginia's House of Delegates and as governor, but he refused an appointment by the Continental Congress as a commissioner to France. Just after New Years Day, 1781, a British invasion forced Martha to flee the capital in Richmond with a baby girl a few weeks old - - who died in April. In June the family barely escaped an enemy raid on Monticello. She bore another daughter the following May, and never regained a fair measure of strength. Jefferson wrote on May 20 that her condition was dangerous. After months of tending her devotedly, he noted in his account book for September 6, "My dear wife died this day at 11:45 A.M."

Apparently he never brought himself to record their life together; in a memoir he referred to ten years "in unchequered happiness." Half a century later his daughter Martha remembered his sorrow: "the violence of his emotion . . . to this day I not describe to myself." For three weeks he had shut himself in his room, pacing back and forth until exhausted. Slowly that first anguish spent itself. In November he agreed to serve as commissioner to France, eventually taking Patsy with him in 1784 and send for Polly later.

When Jefferson became President in 1801, he had been a widower for 19 years. He had become as capable of handling social affairs as political matters. Occasionally he called on Dolley Madison for assistance. It was Patsy - - now Mrs. Thomas Mann Randolph Jr. - - who appeared as the lady of the President's House in the winter of 1802 - 1803, when she spent seven weeks there. She was there again in 1805 - 1806, and gave birth to a son named for James Madison, the first child born in the White House. It was Martha Randolph with her family who shared Jefferson's retirement at Monticello until he died there in 1826.

314 F i. Martha Washington Jefferson [17062] was born on 27 Sep 1772 in Monticello, Virginia and died in 1836 at age 64.

315 F ii. Jane Randolph Jefferson [17072] was born on 3 Apr 1774 and died in 1775 at age 1.

316 F iii. Mary Jefferson [17063] was born on 1 Aug 1778 and died in 1804 at age 26.

317 F iv. Lucy Elizabeth Jefferson [17073] was born on 3 Nov 1780 and died in 1781 at age 1.

318 F v. Lucy Elizabeth Jefferson [17074] was born on 8 May 1782 and died in 1785 at age 3.

Martha married Dabney Carr [18041] [MRIN: 6079]. Dabney was born in 1743 and died in 1773 at age 30.

319 F i. Mary Carr [30134] was born on 7 Mar 1768 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

320 F ii. Lucy Carr [30135] was born on 7 Mar 1768 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

321 M iii. Peter Carr [30137] was born on 2 Jan 1770 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

322 M iv. Samuel Carr [30138] was born on 9 Oct 1771 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

323 M v. Dabney Carr [30140] was born on 27 Apr 1773 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

169. Isham Randolph [30142] was born on 27 Mar 1771 in St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia.

Archibald married Lucy Burwell [30151] [MRIN: 10127], daughter of Nathaniel Burwell [34196] and Susanna Grymes [34195], on 6 Apr 1797. Lucy was born on 20 Nov 1777 and died on 22 Mar 1810 at age 32.

Anne married Thomas Mann Randolph [34238] [MRIN: 11600], son of Col. William Randolph [15979] and Maria Judith Page [15982]. Thomas was born about 1741 in Tuckahoe Plantation, Goochland County, Virginia and died in 1793 about age 52.

Jane married Thomas Isham Randolph [15988] [MRIN: 10125], son of Isham Randolph [15908] and Jane Rogers [15909].

General Notes: SRC: Birth Record from the Register of St. James Northan Parish, Goochland County, Virginia (William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, Vol 15, No. 2, pgs 113-123)

Brett married Ann Randolph [34219] [MRIN: 11591] on 7 May 1782 in Henrico (Goochland) County, VA.

Richard married Elizabeth Jane Montague [34227] [MRIN: 11595] on 28 Jan 1819 in Powhatan County, Virginia.

Ann married Joseph Michaux [34232] [MRIN: 11596] on 5 Feb 1822 in Powhatan County, Virginia.

Mary married Francis Watkins [34234] [MRIN: 11597] on 21 Dec 1820 in Powhatan County, Virginia.

General Notes: Richard Randolph, the eldest brother of Randolph of Roanoke, married his first cousin Judith. Richard was 19 and his lady love only 15 at the time, and the marriage, which took place the following year, proved one of the most tragic happenings of Virginia society of their generation. If the wise mother of Judith had been less subservient to the opinion of her husband and had actively opposed the union about which she had such evident foreboding, much sorrow might have been avoided.

Richard's character was lovable but weak, as his letters from childhood show, and poor Judith was a most unhappy wife. Richard's death followed shortly after the trial in which he and Nancy Randolph, his wife's sister, were accused of infanticide. Of that crime their vindication was complete, but it was followed by gossip and slander which were certainly contributing causes of Richard's death.

Of his two sons, Tudor and St. George (one named for his stepfather's brother, Thomas Tudor Tucker, and the other for his stepfather himself). The one died of consumption in the south of England, the other lived long as a deaf-mute and a madman, and the fact that with them, the line of John Randolph of Matoax and Bizarre ended, was probably the cause of much of the sorrow and bitterness which clouded the life of the last survivor of the family of John Randolph of Roanoke.

(see Ann Cary Randolph for the story of "Bizarre Plantation")

Richard married Judith Randolph [17206] [MRIN: 5786], daughter of Thomas Mann Randolph [34238] and Anne Cary [34237], on 20 Dec 1789 in Henrico (Goochland) County, VA. Judith was born on 24 Nov 1772 in Tuckahoe Plantation, Goochland County, Virginia.

Anderson married Joanna Bassett [34221] [MRIN: 11592], daughter of William Bassett [34222] and Elizabeth Churchill [34223].

364 M i. Bassett Stith [34224] died on 13 Jan 1816 in Halifax, North Carolina.

365 M i. William Johnson Dawson [34310] died in 1789 in Bertie County, North Carolina.

200. Edmund Jennings Randolph [15999] was born on 10 Aug 1753 in Tazewell, Williamsburg, Virginia and died on 12 Sep 1813 in Clark County, Virginia at age 60.

General Notes: Edmund Jennings Randolph was born in Williamsburg, Virginia on August 10, 1753. He attended the College of William and Mary and studied law in his father's office. He was a supporter of the Revolution and served as General George Washington's aide-de-camp in 1775. Randolph was a delegate to the Continental Congress and a member of the Constitutional Convention. He was elected Attorney General of Virginia in 1776, served until 1782, and served as Governor of Virginia from 1786-1788.

On September 26, 1789, Randolph was appointed the first Attorney General of the United States by President Washington. In 1794, he was appointed Secretary of State. He served in this position until 1795.

-------

(b. Aug. 10, 1753, Williamsburg, Va. [U.S.]—d. Sept. 12, 1813, Clark county, Va.), Virginia lawyer who played an important role in drafting and ratifying the U.S. Constitution and served as attorney general and later secretary of state in George Washington's cabinet.

After attending William and Mary College, Randolph studied law in the office of his father, who was then the king's attorney in the Virginia colony. The approach of the American Revolution caused a split in the family: the father, with his wife and daughters, left for England in 1775, while Edmund threw in his lot with the rebellious colonists.

The young lawyer served briefly as an aide to General Washington in the siege (1776) of the British at Boston and then returned to Virginia to care for the estate of his uncle, Peyton Randolph. He was elected to the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1776 and served on the committee that drew up a bill of rights and a state constitution. The Virginia Assembly elected him attorney general of the state, and he also served intermittently (1779–82) as a delegate to the Continental Congress.

In 1786 Randolph headed the Virginia delegation to the Annapolis Convention, and that same year he was elected governor of Virginia. As a delegate to the U.S. Constitutional Convention (1787), he presented the influential Virginia Plan and served on the Committee on Detail that prepared a first draft of the proposed constitution. He did not sign the final draft, however, because he wanted more protection of the rights of states and of individuals. Nevertheless, in the Virginia Convention of 1788 he used his influence to bring about that state's ratification of the Constitution.

After President Washington took office in 1789, he appointed Randolph—who had handled much of Washington's personal legal work—to the post of U.S. attorney general. Upon Thomas Jefferson's resignation as secretary of state in December 1793, Randolph was chosen to replace him. As England and France were then at war and there was strong support in the United States for both antagonists, Randolph's attempt to steer a middle course was difficult. While the Jay Treaty (1794) with England was under consideration, he performed the delicate task of maintaining friendly relations with France. He also paved the way for the signing (1795) of Pinckney's Treaty (or the Treaty of San Lorenzo) with Spain,which provided for free navigation of the Mississippi River.

Randolph's governmental service was brought to an end by an intercepted diplomatic dispatch from the French minister at Philadelphia, charging that he had shown a willingness to accept money from the French in return for influencing the U.S. government against Great Britain. Though the charges were not proved, Randolph resigned on Aug. 19, 1795. He returned to Virginia and resumed his law practice, acting in 1807 as senior counsel for Aaron Burr at his trial for treason.

Edmund married Elizabeth Carter Nicholas [16259] [MRIN: 5325] on 29 Aug 1776 in Virginia.

366 F i. Susan Beverley Randolph [16260] was born in 1781 and died on 12 Oct 1836 at age 55.

367 F ii. Unknown Randolph [16261] was born about 1781 in Richmond, Henrico County, Virginia.

368 F iii. Unknown Randolph [16262] was born about 1783 in Lexington, Virginia.

369 M iv. Unknown Randolph [16263] was born in 1783 and died in 1786 at age 3.

370 F v. Edmonia Madison Randolph [16264] was born on 17 Apr 1787 and died in Oct 1847 at age 60.

371 M vi. Peyton Randolph [16265] was born in 1787 in Gloucester, Virginia and died in 1828 at age 41.

Peyton married Maria Ward [34184] [MRIN: 11577] on 15 Mar 1806 in Amelia County, Virginia.

Susanna married Nathaniel Burwell [34196] [MRIN: 11581]. Nathaniel was born on 15 Apr 1750 and died on 29 Mar 1814 at age 63.

373 M i. Carter Burwell [34200] was born on 16 Oct 1773 and died on 2 Feb 1819 at age 45.

374 M ii. Philip Burwell [34201] was born on 15 Jan 1776 and died on 11 Feb 1849 at age 73.

+ 375 F iii. Lucy Burwell [30151] was born on 20 Nov 1777 and died on 22 Mar 1810 at age 32.

376 M iv. Nathaniel Burwell [34202] was born on 18 Feb 1779 and died on 11 Jan 1849 at age 69.

377 M v. Lewis Burwell [34203] was born on 24 Jan 1783 and died on 24 Feb 1826 at age 43.

378 M vi. Robert Carter Burwell [34204] was born on 24 Jul 1785 and died on 22 Aug 1813 at age 28.

General Notes: Henry took an oath as second Lieutenant 3 Oct 1777 and resigned 2 March 1781. In 1783 Chesterfield COunty Henry Archer is listed as head of a family of ten with twenty-four slaves. Not all of the children were his, most likely. Some may have belonged to a neice who lived with them, Elizabeth Branch.

General Notes: Attended medical school in Edinburgh. Held a life estate of 2,810 acres known as "Clover Forest" in 1820.

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Descendants of John Randoll, 1470

Ninth Generation